Civility Electoral Vote and Foreclosure of Violence in France

Résumé du document

The incentives fail to motivate social actors to develop the modern political order as an ideal of rationality and functionality that is a guarantor of genuine peace of mind and body. By characterizing the state through its ability to claim "a monopoly of legitimate physical coercion", Max Weber makes a very strong affinity between the preclusion of private violence and the emergence of a mode of rational-legal domination. Because "there is nowadays violence" legitimate "only insofar as the order allows the state or prescribed", the periodic eruptions of violence or protest affecting French politics seem difficult to understand. Qualifying the central assumption of the dynamics of the West proposed by Norbert Elias, these forms of political rebels recall the fragility of cultural and institutional mechanisms intended to pacify the public space. Their presence invites political science to focus on different modalities of management of violence. What are the reasons that force people to respect the peaceful order of the state? Barely made, such a question indicates the need to move the reflection of his usual course.

Extraits

[...] The implementation of the electoral activity held in this regard, a key role. The vote tends to oppose the rhetorical vindictive force another set design: that of membership which stood silent by ritually but peacefully the political mechanism of the delegation. This means if the civic virtues that form the backbone of the normative construction of universal suffrage are inseparable from a more general project of foreclosure physical constraint. What may be of interest to compare the electoral experience with the phenomenon of political violence? [...]

[...] This is the uproar provoked by the presence in the room voting for a candidate unpopular. Of course, all political struggles did not lead to collective fights. Mostly, this is the sequence of votes and the immediate vicinity of the Chamber vote crystallizes skirmishes. The Chamber vote is frequently disrupted by a second type of violence: that occur as the frustrations born of hindrances to the electoral process. Having internalized the material dimension of the vote (place, time, speed), voters can show aback by the changes introduced in the routine activity of voting. [...]

[...] The space of politics especially pp.541-551 and Favre eds., The event, Paris, PFNSP Archives of the Prefecture of Police (APPO), cardboard Ba 222, undated handwritten note APPO, cardboard Ba 220, The Telephone, edition of April APPO, cardboard Ba 238, The Radical, edition of April A parallel can be drawn here with the suppression of emotional attitudes that reflect certain uses deemed illegitimate ballot (see Déloye Ihl "voices like no other. Votes and white invalid votes in parliamentary elections in 1881 French Review of Political Science, vol No April 1991, p.167 ff). [...]

[...] Because "there is nowadays violence" legitimate "only insofar as the order allows the state or prescribed", the periodic eruptions of violence or protest affecting French politics seem difficult to understand. Qualifying the central assumption of the dynamics of the West proposed by Norbert Elias, these forms of political rebels recall the fragility of cultural and institutional mechanisms intended to pacify the public space. Their presence invites thereby political science to focus on different modalities of management of violence. What are the reasons that force people to respect the peaceful order of the state? Barely made, such a question indicates the need to move the reflection of his usual course. [...]

[...] It also said that the company's illegitimate violence undertaken in the vote met with strong resistance. The disqualification means of political action has made traditional or linear fashion, nor so docile. If they can qualify the optimism of the promoters of voting as only way of political appointment, the work of Tilly can also enjoy the changing expressions of violence. If the democratic culture does not disappear instrumental violence, however it tends to change its repertoire of action. In the early nineteenth century, the collective actions of violence often take the form of spontaneous, poorly organized (crowds, agrarian riots, resistance to the Treasury, made of grain . [...]