From many perspectives, North-East Asia seems to be the area of paradoxes. The astonishing economic development of the region in the second part of the twentieth century, despite a troubled geopolitical context, is a great example of the peculiar ability of these countries to invent their own way. A few experts predicted the incredible economic growth of communist States, such as China or Vietnam, during this period. On the contrary, many expected these systems not to survive the fall of the Soviet Union, economically as well as politically. Paradoxically enough, post-communist North-East Asian States seem to have strengthened their legitimacy, and are now ready to face the challenge of globalization. By many aspects, even the North Korean regime belongs to this category, since it succeeded in perpetuating its peculiar Stalinist-dynastic political system. This situation clearly highlights the specificity of North-East Asia, that apart from the case of Cuba, there is no other place in the world where communism is still alive.
[...] All these evolutions explain why Chinese authorities felt more and more ill at ease in this new threatening environment. By reaction, a group of scholars and intellectuals, such as Wang Hui or Cui Zhiyuan[8], started to promote a different approach to Chinese modern identity during the 1990s: the New Left appeared. This term, used by many Chinese commentators, refers to this specific intellectual movement whose ascendancy over the government is growing. Apart from economic and social claims, New Leftists put the emphasis on the need for a specifically Chinese way to modernity, which supposes the reject of the westernization process. [...]
[...] Nationalism in China and North Korea therefore seems a direct consequence of external factors, mixing history, geography and international relations. Excluding the impact of Communism from the explanations for this nationalistic rise would yet be a great mistake. Indeed, the majority of non-Asian Communist States have developed nationalistic policies throughout the second part of the twentieth century. Stalin led a deep russification policy in the Soviet Union for example, trying to restore the prestige of the old Tsarist Empire. Many scholars noted this link between Communism and Nationalism[12] and tried to understand it. [...]
[...] The revival of Nationalism in contemporaneous China China always had a particular conception of itself. For instance, the word “Zhongguo”, Chinese translation of the country's name, places the Chinese Nation as the centre of the world. This linguistic detail speaks volume about the attitude of Ancient China towards the outside world. Nevertheless, this conception is being questioned once again nowadays by the recent emergence of China as a future world super-power, able to compete with the United States as the world leader. [...]
[...] Old and new nationalism in modern China: from the May Fourth Movement to the celebration of Confucius As said in the introduction of this work, Asia does not fear paradoxes. The evolution of Chinese behaviour towards the outside world is clearly one of them. Indeed, the Chinese position showed a complete reversal throughout the twentieth century. Trying to understand this strange phenomenon needs to go into the details of our definition of nationalism. Quoting Zheng Yongnian: “Nationalism is about us against them. [...]
[...] As a matter of fact, the North- Korean historiography considers this conflict as being first a struggle against a foreign power willing to prevent the Korean nation to reunite. This point is difficult to understand for Western people, but it is nevertheless a key-point in the genesis of North-Korean nationalism. Indeed, the Korean War, which is not officially over, was led by Pyongyang on the same basis as the anti-Japanese demonstrations 30 years ago. This conception clearly appears in Bruce Cumings' North Korea: another country. [...]
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