The chinese people have had a long tradition of migration, nevertheless, the intricacy of the chinese diasporic phenomenon and the fact that it is made up of complex elements of migration, makes it difficult to understand. Moreover, the consideration of the great ethnic, linguistic and cultural diversity of the migrants who left China to settle abroad seems to invalidate the hypothesis of a united and homogeneous Diaspora. This diversity of migrants is a consequence of the size of the Chinese homeland which is composed of 23 provinces including Taiwan since 1988 and Hong Kong since 1997. The great majority of diasporans come from the littoral regions of Fujian, Hainan and Guangdong.
[...] These zones beneficiated of preferential tax credits, infrastructures and financial support from the communist government. Peking's economy policy was considered as a great success and FDI flowed. “Since China initiated the Open Door and Economic reform in 1979, the total FDI inflow was amounted to US$22O.2 billion (arrival basis) explaining more than 63.2 per cent of total foreign funding up to 1997. FDI played an important role in the 9.8 per cent of annual growth rate, observed during the two past decades.”[4] Peking's government also de-nationalized many national companies, encouraging foreigners to take part of the most prestigious investments. [...]
[...] However the repartition of FDI directed to mainland China reveals the reinforcement of the financial link between homeland and the overseas. The repartition of FDI reveals the Chinese Overseas involvement in China and its evolution Even if precise figures can't be found, we know that most of the FDI directed to China come from the Asian countries were Chinese population was important. The majority of FDI came from Honk Kong and Singapore. of cases of FDI, approximatively 5,000 were classified as investments by overseas Chinese”. [...]
[...] Articles Stephen FITZGERALD, “China and the Overseas Chinese: Perceptions and Policies”, in the China Quarterly, No (Oct. - Dec., 1970), pp. 1-37. Stenphen FITZGEALD, “China and the Overseas Chinese: A Study of Peking's Changing Policy 1949-1970” in Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, Vol Blacks and the Law. (May, 1973), p Victor PURCELL, “Overseas Chinese and the People's Republic”, in Far Eastern Survey, Vol No (Oct 1950), pp. 194-196. Ronald SKELDON, Chinese Diaspora or the Migration of Chinese Peoples?”, in The Chinese Diaspora. [...]
[...] Finally, the increase in the notion of Chineseness was caused by the revalorization of the homeland and CO are no longer ashamed of affirming theirs Chinese roots now that China economy flourish and become more and more important at the international scale. Conclusion If the CO participated in the development of their homeland only after 1979, it is first of all because before, the Diaspora's interests were not the same that the homeland ones under Mao's government. This was in fact the contrary because Peking's policies clearly damaged the position of CO in South East Asia. [...]
[...] As soon as the Chinese territory was divided, Taiwan and Peking's governments concurred for Chinese Overseas financial help and political rally. From 1949 to 1954, the PCR government decided to follow the Chinese policy applied in the past: Chinese descendants living abroad were considered as Chinese citizens and had, according to the Chinese constitution, the right to vote for the election of their representatives in the People's Congress. But Peking's government, willing to follow the Moscow guideline of “peaceful coexistence», decided to modify the Chinese Overseas legal status. [...]
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