Lebanon is a very complex entity. We need to understand some concepts about the historical features of the country to grasp a better understanding of its current state. First, Modern Lebanon is part of a larger unit: historical Syria, as opposed to the present Syrian Arab Republic, which now includes the sovereign states of Syria, Lebanon, Jordan and Israel. Many tensions stem from this dual belonging (Hourani, 1986). Second, two kinds of authority coexisted throughout almost all Lebanese history: a feudal political system based on allegiance to the "lords of the valley" and a bureaucratically organized government. Thus, one can wonder whether these two concomitant phenomena, Beirut's stunning emergence as a major Mediterranean harbor and the rise of nation-state ideologies, are somehow related or not. Having all the aforementioned remarks in mind, I will try to determine the impact of Beirut's rise on the Lebanese political cultures and on the nationalist discourses that started taking shape in the nineteenth century. To that end, this paper will focus on two major events of Lebanese history: the events of 1860 and the creation of Greater Lebanon by the French mandatory power.
[...] These two systems coexisted for so long because urban governments preferred to have indirect control and relied on middlemen the “lords of the valley” rather than investing too much time and money in the remote and poor mountain villages (Fawaz, 1984; Hourani, 1986). Moreover, Lebanon is divided along religious lines. The most important religious division is, however, not necessarily between Christians and Muslims. There are divergences between Muslims and Christians but differences of community 2 within each religion exist and matter e.g., Sunnis against Shias. [...]
[...] The year 1860 is a turning point in Lebanese history as well as in Beirut's history. The events of 1860 are sometimes rightly called the first Lebanese civil war. Indeed, as a result of two decades of disturbances between the two pillars of the Mount Lebanese society, Druzes and Maronites, outbreaks of violence erupted in Mount Lebanon and took the shape of Druze persecutions or massacres of Christians, notably in Damascus (Hourani, 1986). It is beyond the scope of this paper to account for 5 the reasons that led to these events. [...]
[...] The establishment of Greater Lebanon cut Beirut from its Syrian hinterland and impeded the trading links the city had already established when the Ottoman economic order still prevailed (Ilbert, 1991). That evolution very much dissatisfied Beirutis that strongly opposed the French mandate and asked for Syrian economic and political unity. Besides, Maronite discourse was torn between the desire for a Christian state and the need to guarantee a minimum of economic viability and financial resources for the new political entity” (Traboulsi p.85). The frontiers drawn by Greater Lebanon were very much contested. Beirut's rise accounts for some of this rejection. [...]
[...] The coastal Sunni populations of Beirut, Sidon, Tripoli or Tyre were heirs of Ottoman liberalism and favored Arab nationalism, notably because it served their economic interests. Thus, the dismantling of the Ottoman Empire, the establishment of Greater Lebanon, and the partition of historical Syria were strongly resented by these populations. It actually ended the Ottoman political and economic order that hitherto enabled Beirut to thrive (Ilbert, 1991). Although it had become the capital city of a new political entity Greater Lebanon the partition of historical Syria threatened Beirut's position as the leading port in the region and restricted the city's access to its Syrian hinterland. [...]
[...] * * * I will now focus on the creation of Greater Lebanon. Indeed, the debates over the boarders of this new political entity illustrate the consequences of the shift in power and influence from Mount Lebanon to Beirut. It is, however, necessary to start by studying the different political cultures that competed against one another before linking them to Beirut's new status as a major center of economic and political power. In the mountain, Druzes and Maronites were used to a semi-feudal political system. [...]
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