The changes observed in the last 30 years, and more specifically, the last 25 years have produced an unexpected and important identity crisis for all parties rooted in the tradition of Western European reformist socialism. In the late 1970s and early 1980s, the world experienced great changes. There were new expectations from people as a result of the entrance into the era of globalization (globalization was not a new concept at that time but its effects were becoming visible). These changes plunged the European Social Democratic parties into an uncertain future, and saw the retreat of social democracy which was trying to change in order not to disappear from the political scene. Without giving too many details, it can simply be said that Western European Social Democratic parties were moving towards 'modernization'. This process of 'modernization' brought about real changes, as much in the parties' internal structure as in their ideas, policies and creeds. The evolution of the German, English and French Social Democratic parties over the last 25 years, illustrates the changes that occurred in the 1980s and the process of 'modernization' undertaken by these parties.
[...] The party gradually disengaged itself from the trade unions and sidelined the extreme left within the party, thus showing its shift towards liberalism ( it will be more visible in the change of policies). Finally, the Labour Party, in order to really 'democratise' the party's organisaton, decided to open itself to a newly freed proportion of the population : women. As Sarah Perigo said, the traditionnal model of the Labour member was 'the male unionised industrial worker' . This tradition was to be changed first by the independent creation of the WAC (Women Action Committee) in 1980. The leadership gave its support to this committee by imposing quotas for feminine representation. [...]
[...] In an era of globalisation, it has been argued that the left parties could not avoid setting up policies of liberalisation. The Social Democratic parties realised that their concepts and policies were out of date to solve the problems that had arisen. In fact, Germany, England and France all suffered from higher inflation and unemployment combined with lower economic growth in the 1980s than after WWII. People then felt insecure about their jobs about the liberal markets, crime was spreading along with urban decay. [...]
[...] and Marlière P. ( Macmillan Press, 1999), pp . -109. Internet sources. [...]
[...] First attempts to reconcile markets and the state were unsuccesful. Although, the SPD pledged a commitment to 'flexible work organisation' in the Berlin Programme of 1989, it failed to convince the elctorate of the change of the SPD. The situation really changed when Gerhard Schroder brought his modernising and business-influenced views. In his 'Twelve These' , he underlines the importance of competition, innovation and creation of wealth in the economy. When he enters office in 1998, he passes a series of reform, many of them liberalist-orientated such as tax cuts in corporation tax, reform of the Welfare State or labour market liberalisation. [...]
[...] It has to face globalised and integrated economic order and the transformation of the world's market. New Labour si a response to this new conjuncture. Keneysian principles have been defenitelly abandonned and new priorities have been defined. Just as the Thatcher and Major's governments, Blair government believes that the control of inflation is of 3 prime importance. Its liberals goals can be seen when the re-nationalisation of privatized industries was abandonned, when Labour claims that it wants to be the 'natural party of business' . [...]
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