The French Parti Socialiste (PS) is the heir of the SFIO (section française de l'internationale ouvriere) created in 1905 and which based its ideology on the Marxist theory of transforming the capitalist world into a socialist one by destroying the hegemony of bourgeoisie on the means of production. In 1920, because of the different views about how transforming the society opposing its leaders, a large part of its members left it to create the French Communist Party, committed to Lenin. The SFIO still claimed its Marxism but saw it in a different way than the communists.
During the 1960s, the party faced a real crisis, characterised by the emergence of many socialist "clubs" and by the division of its traditional voters. Consequently, on the 6 of may 1969, the SFIO died and the Parti Socialiste was created. But from 1969 to 1971, the problem of the disintegration of the party wasn't solved and it is only at the Epinay Congress that a new unified party emerged, leaded by Mitterrand, and composed of five of the socialist parties.
The PS was constituted on new bases and accepted the fact that the party needed to have different currents inside to exist. A list system was created in the intra-party elections to make them coexist.
[...] On the basis of its ideological orientation, is it fair to describe the French Parti Socialiste as of the Marxist parties”? The French Parti Socialiste is the heir of the SFIO (section française de l'internationale ouvriere) created in 1905 and which based its ideology on the Marxist theory of transforming the capitalist world into a socialist one by destroying the hegemony of bourgeoisie on the means of production. In 1920, because of the different views about how transforming the society opposing its leaders, a large part of its members left it to create the French Communist Party, committed to Lenin. [...]
[...] These measures illustrate the consensus on the managed economy conception of the Rocardist current. If we analyse all the texts and declarations produced by the PS after 1981, we can see that the Marxist reference has only a small importance for the militants and that has only been used in the 1980 and 1981 programs in an opportunist way (19). In front of the failure of the socialist political economy (importations' increase, trade deficit, money devaluations on the 21st of march 1983, the government chooses the economic strictness. [...]
[...] Consequently, there is a real multiplicity in the PS ideologies which its leaders always try to match through the proportional elections, to create the party's program. But this reality also implements the fact that the party is divided between centrists and real left wing thinkers, which cause an ideological poverty and confuses the understanding of it. The question is here to know if we can consider the French PS as a Marxist party. What is its ideology? Does it correspond to the Marxist “class struggle” idea? [...]
[...] Indeed, the PS wants to gather of those who want the destruction of the economic exploitation and of the capitalist political and ideological domination”(4) to fight the alienations due to capitalism, which is a real Marxist reference. The PS aims at representing the exploited “left people” which deeply influences its program. Actually, the CERES is looking for a way to transform the society and the program “changer la written by Chevenement, which is adopted by the party in march 1972, is really ingrained in left Marxist ideas and also aims at entering in negotiations with the PCF to realise the “left union”. [...]
[...] The fact that, at Epinay, Mitterrand asserts that the alliance with the PCF would be order to start the socialist transformation of the society” well illustrates it. At this moment, the aim is to create a party whose program would be close to the idea of breaking with capitalism and Marxist theories are spreading into all the socialist reviews. As a consequence, the task of writing the party's program is given Jean Pierre Chevenement, the CERES' leader, a group of young socialist thinkers more influenced by the Marxist theories of heterodoxes like Gramsci or Sorel than by the Leninist interpretation of The Capital(3). [...]
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