The relations between France and NATO

Résumé du document

France is one of the founding members of the Atlantic Alliance, whose creation is materialized in the signing in Washington, April 4, 1949 the North Atlantic Treaty Organization and the Defence (NATO) that it instituted. The alliance thus formed is to ensure American military protection to the countries of Western Europe and prevent the invasion of it by the Soviet Union and its allies.

The France played an active role even in the early development of the Alliance, its constituent territory for fifteen years the hub of the organization, as evidenced by the installation of the heart of the device, the Supreme Allied Command Europe (SHAPE), at Rocquencourt, and the political headquarters of the Organization in Paris. Moreover, France argued in negotiations that led to the signing of the Treaty, an organization for integrated defense in time of peace (Article 5 of the Treaty finally kept the formula of a commitment in response to aggression) before making proposals in the sense of a European military integration through the Pleven Plan EDR, going well beyond the requirements of integration made by the United States.

The attitude of France initially active with respect to the alliance, however, must be interpreted as seeking to implement its own ambitions: to ensure its global role and assert its leadership in Europe, European security before his eyes also based on a continental European hub which would have provided leadership.

Extraits

[...] A secret deal is made between the Anglo-Saxon to specify the grounds for the Atlantic Alliance. One last step remains to be overcome: any military alliance of the United States in time of peace is prohibited by their constitution. Senator Vandenberg did vote for the resolution 239 to establish the alliance June Talks in Washington from July 6 to September define the bases of the treaty. This military pact was born from an agreement signed April in Washington and is the North Atlantic Treaty (Text of the North Atlantic Treaty), section 5 of the solidarity between its members in case of aggression is crucial point. [...]

[...] Kaplan, NATO 1948: the birth of the transatlantic Alliance, 2007. [...]

[...] pushing the "globalization" of NATO action. But that return has not been without some difficulties. Indeed, ignoring the reality quite well maintained military relations between France and NATO, perceptions in the political sphere, however, remained long marked by the break of 1966, which installed permanently in the public opinion of France in a situation of marginality compared to collective defense and NATO strategy, a situation maintained by the maintenance for many years the "fundamentals" of French politics in the Alliance, especially the autonomy of the participation decision and the claim European autonomy. [...]

[...] These cameras are both land and sea. Thereafter, once the calculated trajectory, missile batteries advanced destroy the missile. "We want to radar and missile sites in Europe to expand that coverage to our forces abroad and our allies face threats like Iran." That's how General Henry A. Obering, head of the U.S. Missile Defense justifies the establishment of U.S. missile shield in Europe. It is clear that the interests here are multiple: Officially, the Americans want to guard itself against Iranian attack without worrying the Russians, informally, if a viable project would enable them to provide a certain nuclear supremacy contrary to the doctrine of the Cold War . [...]

[...] III) The return of France into NATO and actions with NATO: The beginnings of a return: France is a founding member of NATO. It left the integrated military structure in 1966 under the presidency of General de Gaulle, while remaining a member of the Alliance. It is then placed, in 1996, a representative of the military committee. It participated in the planning and operational, but not to the defense, but others could take part in NATO activities that fall within the civil structure of the organization. [...]