Environmental crimes are by their very nature a transnational issue. The threat of species extinction for instance is not confined to a single country. However, the protection of the environment often comes against the global development process or increased standards of living worldwide (Michalowski & Bitten 2005, p.156-157). Environmental crimes are often considered less serious offences than other types of transnational crimes, particularly drug, arms or human trafficking. Elliott (2007) argues that transnational environmental crimes are "undersecuritized", meaning that they are not considered as serious security threat by law-enforcing agencies. Michalowski & Bitten (2005, p.136-159) highlights the ambiguity in the nature of the crimes as only a small portion is subjected to legal control and as environmental issues are embedded in a complex web of social, economical and political interests (2005, p.149).
[...] Like most illegal traffics, the wildlife trade follows the market trends. If a particular species is difficult to obtain or rare, then its value will increase on the market, making it more attractive to criminals looking for profits. Moreover, if the demand for a particular species rises, then its value will increase and the suppliers might be tempted in return to increase the volume of their traffic to meet with the market pressure. The rise of an affluent middle-class in China, but also in countries like Thailand, have fuelled the demand for certain goods closely linked to the wildlife trade (World Bank 2005, p3). [...]
[...] This paper will focus on a particular aspect of environmental crime: wildlife trafficking that is to say the illegal trade of fauna and flora. It is interesting to note at this point that wildlife trafficking is not always considered as an “environmental crime” (see for instance Situ & Simmons 2000, where wildlife trafficking is not included in the study of environmental crime). However, I have chosen to characterize wildlife trafficking as an environmental crime as the consequences for the biodiversity are quite obviously of an environmental nature, much like the concerns regarding toxic wastes or air and water pollution. [...]
[...] Asian criminal gangs have been implanted in South Africa as early as the 1970s and that the abalone traffic was one of their major criminal activities (Gastrow 2001). In 1993, abalone-canning factories operated by Chinese triad's members were discovered in major South African cities, showing the increasing range and organization of the illegal network. Gastrow describes the implantation process used by Chinese criminals in South Africa as a “long and patient route”, arguing that Chinese individuals might enter South Africa as tourists to study the market opportunities and to familiarise themselves with the location. [...]
[...] The increasingly strong demand reflects the affluence rise in Southeast Asia and East Asia, where abalone is considered a delicacy. The economic rise of China is again very important in understanding the evolution of the traffic, as abalone is traditionally eaten for special occasions, like weddings, and is considered a symbol of prestige and wealth. Because the legal trade, regulated in Australia by an expensive licence system, cannot meet this strong demand the temptation to fall into illegal activity is high. [...]
[...] The collapse of the Soviet Union played a significant part in the increase of transnational crime in the region, as they used the spread of transnational economic activities as a “comfortable and discreet working environment” (Stanislawski 2004, p.156). A United Nations report characterizes the caviar traffic as violent, using several front companies as a legitimacy cover, and large in scope. (2003, p.11). Cook et al. reports an instance where a criminal group involved in caviar trafficking was apparently behind a bombing that killed several Russian border guards (2002, p.22). The illegal trade in caviar seems to involve a complex international network of actors. [...]
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