China maintains a privileged relationship with Africa. From 2000 to 2005, trade between the two countries has increased from US$10 billion to US$ 28billion. By the end of 2005, China has established more than 800 enterprises in Africa involving a total investment of US$6 billion. It has signed investment agreements with 28 African countries and its engineering projects covered construction, petrochemical, power, culture, education, health and food processing sectors. This economic bridge-building forms part of a deeper closeness of a strategic partnership with development aid and political support.
The construction of the new State House in Uganda is facilitated with a financial help of US$1.2 million and a US$6 million loan without interest. About 10 000 African students are invited in Chinese universities. Moreover, we can observe migration of mainly Chinese workers in Africa and African students in China and cultural exchanges.
This closeness is not new. In the 1950s, diplomatic relations already existed between some African countries and China, which supported liberation movements. In the context of cold war, ideological goals were set and China, being an underdeveloped country then, represented an alternative to the superpowers. These Sino African relations led China to obtain a seat in the Security Council of UN by 36 African nations voting in favor of the resolution to seat Peking and expel Taiwan
[...] 507-529 Klare Michael and Volman Daniel, “America, China & the Scramble for Africa's Review of African Political Economy, Vol Number 108, June pp. 297-309 Mooney Paul, “China's African Safari”, Yale Global January 2005) Press officer of the Embassy of China, “China-Africa relations win-win, threaten Ask the Embassy, August http://www.chinese- embassy.org.za/eng/zt/ask/t268435.htm (accessed on 29 November 2007) Sautman Barry. “Friends and interests: China's distinctive links with Africa Center on China's Transnational Relation, Working Paper no Servant Jean-Christophe, Ambivalences du commerce Sud-Sud La Chine à l'assaut du marché africain Le Monde Diplomatique, Mai 2005, P et www.monde-diplomatique.fr/2005/SERVANT/12218 Taylor Ian, China's oil diplomacy in Africa International Affairs, The Royal Institute of International Affairs p. [...]
[...] Alden Chris, op. cit., p.147 French Howard W. and Polgreen Lydia, “China's largess in Africa isn't free” Tull Denis, op.cit. ibidem Servant Jean-Christophe, op. cit. French Howard W. and Polgreen Lydia, “China's largess in Africa isn't free” Servant Jean-Christophe, op. cit. We can tone down this non-interventionism by the fact that China can impose economic conditions: a $2billion loan given to Angola in 2004 was guaranteed by a contract for the sale of oil, which will last 17 years. [...]
[...] After the end of the Cold war, China and Africa have kept good relations. The isolation of the PRC after the Tianmen events (1989) conducted the country to develop ties with non-Western countries: Africa was an ideal ally[4]. Besides, we can even observe an increase of China's presence in Africa since last decade as the previous figures reveal. From 2003 to 2005, “more than one hundred high-level meetings have taken place between Chinese and African diplomats and envoys[5]”. China still wants to be seen as an alternative to the previous great powers and uses for that the slogan “peaceful rising”[6]. [...]
[...] We have already pointed out that China does not influence African politics as the Western countries do. Whose fault? To conclude, we have seen that Sino-African relationship is not really equal but the term of neo-colonialism has to be softened. Africa finds also interests in this partnership, which is not imposed. A better analyse could be done in a few years with the results of Chinese training programmes and a better view on Chinese integration. Will China be better than the West to promote prosperity and development? [...]
[...] This is a way to escape neo- colonial ties to the West. These interests were summed up by Jiang Zemin with ‘Five Points Proposal': centring on a reliable friendship, sovereign equality, non-intervention, mutually beneficial development and international cooperation.[23] Eventually, it can be a way of pressure on the West which has no more the monopole of investment (like for the Tan-Zam railway) A fair partnership? "Who is winning? The Chinese are, for sure," said Michael Sata, a Zambian opposition politician. [...]
Source aux normes APA
Pour votre bibliographieLecture en ligne
avec notre liseuse dédiée !Contenu vérifié
par notre comité de lecture