Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) and energy security, is there a role for Europe?

Résumé du document

After a risk in the supply of energy from Russia again this winter, strong voices claimed the necessity of a European common foreign energy security policy. However, once the crisis resolved, and the cold weather wore off, the idea was left aside, at least by the Media. The EU energy policy is a subject that keeps surfacing intermittently, like climate change or liberalization of energy markets, but nothing concrete seems to be implemented towards creating a common energy security policy. However, even if Javier Solana is desperately clear when he states that there is "no common foreign energy policy", some elements show that the EU is not inexistent in this field. On the 11th of April, the Commission presented plans to forge stronger ties with its energy-rich neighbors around the Black Sea and to bring stability to the region. Within the neighborhood policy proposal, there is one chapter on energy, mentioning the EU's external energy security strategy. On the 3rd of April, 5 southern European countries, including 3 EU Member States, and the Commission signed a declaration to build a pipeline to bring oil from the Black Sea to central European markets by 2012. A contradiction thus emerges. While there is no reference to energy policy in the treaties, and no text about energy security in the framework of CFSP, the EU, via the Commission acts in the field of energy security too.

Extraits

[...] Paillard14, there is a fundamental difference, among others between EU states: “maritime” states (such as France and able to project forces in the world and continental states, with a more limited margin of action (like Germany, Poland, Baltic States, Finland other divides can be between states needing cheap energy to fuel their growth (Ireland), willing to protect energy jobs (Poland in coal mining industry), or environmentally focused states such as the northern European countries. At first sight, energy policy is only a matter for MS. All of these factors of sovereignty have contributed to the fact that MS have not clearly conferred powers to the EU in energy security. There is no chapter on energy policy in the treaties. [...]

[...] neighbourhood policy or other kind of partnerships with strong energy commitments when it was with producing or transit countries. What are the reasons for this? Can we say that the MS are building a “collective identity”? It is obvious that MS are facing a common problem: their markets are being integrated via liberalisation, domestic resources are decreasing, and environmental concerns are increasing. At the international level, a basis of a common identity and common interest appears: all MS agree in defending and trying to impose the Energy charter to the partners, especially to Russia; they all agree upon the need to diversify the supplies, to reduce energy consumption, to work for the promotion of the Kyoto agreements. [...]

[...] The structure shapes the identity and interests of states. The other way around, the actors, through their practices and discourses, can change the structure as a result of the intersubjectivity. That is why anarchy can lead to several cultures with their specific behavioural norms, which are the Hobbesian one, the Lockean one and the Kantian6 one. In each culture, the behavioural norms can be internalised to three degrees: because of the risk of coercion (1st degree), because the norms complies with the self-interests of the states (2nd degree), or because they are seen as legitimate, part of the identity (3rd degree). [...]

[...] To analyse the role for EU as such in the energy security field, we have to study if EU is recognised by the main actors outside the EU. As far as gas is concerned, the recognition of EU as such is clear for the three main providers for EU's market: Norway is integrated in the common market and abides by most of EU rules; Algeria has signed trade and cooperation agreements (Meda e.g.) with EU; Russia has adopted a specific strategy with EU, regularly meet the EU in several institutions. [...]

[...] As I will show, the first characteristic of EU towards energy is its large and increasing dependency on external resources . To tackle this subject, I will first present the theoretical framework I am going to use, a constructivist one. I will then show how constructivism suits with the study of the role of EU and the Member States in the world. The last and main part will try to apply this framework to the energy security policy My constructivist framework for analysis Energy is both cooperation and rivalry. [...]