The term civil religion directly stems from Rousseau's Social Contract were it is described as the moral and spiritual foundation for any modern society. For Rousseau, the civil religion was intended as a form of social cement helping to unify the state by providing it with a sacred authority. This notion did however undergo considerable evolutions in its definition. We will purposely focus on the two most important ones because they both provide elements which will reveal as being essential in the analysis of the Thai experience.
[...] To induce the hill tribes to accept the important role of helping to maintain the security of national frontiers, by installing in them a sense of belonging and national loyalty to the nation.[10] However, these last programs had only mitigated results because of strong difficulties in communicating, particularly between monks and Karen tribes. Conclusion In conclusion, I would like to put the stress on the fact that the construction of the Thai civil religion is an everlasting process which has been facing constant changes. History showed us that the more we were close to modernity, the less evident is the separation between a religious and a political definition of the civil religion. [...]
[...] Considering this fact, no one could reject the supposition that Buddhism holds a decisive position in shaping the Thai Society. However, the Thai people also live with strong boundaries towards the King and more generally the Royal family, descendant of a four centuries old bloodline, the Chakkri dynasty. Therefore, the King benefits from personal adoration emanating from the Thai people. Moreover, according to the constitution, Kingship and religion overlap: the King has to be chosen among Buddhist families and even the title of the monarch suggests that he is a descendent of Buddha what gives us a clue regarding the possible links existing between the throne and the religion. [...]
[...] During this last years, great emphasis was placed on the recovery of Thailand's past and the discovery of the famous Sukhothai inscription of Rama Khamhaeng and its use in order to foster a more humane and paternalistic image of kingship is the best example possible. The example of the stupas From the second half of the nineteenth century up until the middle of the XXth century, the Thai Monarchy has tried to reinforce the perceived lines of connection between Buddhism, kingship and the emergence of the modern nation state. What Anderson[5] has called the «conceptual conflation of monarchy and nation» was effected partly by forging links between the monarchy and nobility and the remains of ancient Buddhist structures which dotted the landscape. [...]
[...] The fact that this is a Brahmanic inheritage certainly means that it was brought from the Khmer empire of Angkor Wat The sangha is commonly used to refer to the Buddhist community see A History of Buddhism in Siam (Bangkok: Siam Society, 1965) Anderson,B Imagined Communities First published 1983 London and NewYork : Verso Gossling, E The history of Sukhothai as a ceremonial centre: a study of early Siamese architecture and society. Doctoral dissertation, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor. [...]
[...] This can explain why the beginning of the Chakkri dynasty was marked with such a strong emphasis put on Buddhism and on the King as being the representative of the religion. Years after the reign of Rama Ist or Chulalongkorn, the transformation of the absolute monarchy into a constitutional monarchy transformed the figure of the King. With this transformation came the development of a more personified adoration in the person of Rama IXth not only because he represented Buddhism, but because the own figure of Bhumibol Adulyadej had the sufficient authority to be adorated by the Thai people. [...]
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